Religious Adherence and Diversity in Utah

Recent Changes from the Unaffiliated and the Spiritual But Not Religious (SBNR)

Kurt A. Fisher

2020-03-07

Corresponding author

Figure 1 - Cartogram-Choropleths of the Total Rate of Religious Adherence for 29 Utah Counties in 2010

Figure 1 - Cartogram-Choropleths of the Total Rate of Religious Adherence for 29 Utah Counties in 2010

Note: Crude Rates per 1,000 persons. (a) Crude Rate by Land Area; (b) Crude Rate by County Total Population. (a) light green = low; dark green=high. Source: Tables 1 and 2; Grammich (2018); Utah Open GIS.

Figure 2. Reference map of Utah counties with names. Source: Utah Open GIS. Figure 2. Reference map of Utah counties with names. Source: Utah Open GIS.

Introduction

It is common to encounter in Utah residentsFor the general reader, this article provides background details concerning commonplace beliefs regarding relative adherence in Utah to the Later Day Saint faith relative to other denominations. Known sociological data concerning the relative frequency of denominations and the new spiritual-but-not-religious is tabulated. who believe that ninety percent or more of Utah’s residents are LDS members (personal obs.). Mathematically, they partially correct. One of the longest, most respected time-series of religious adherence surveys in the United States is the decennial survey of congregations prepared by the Association of Statisticians of American Religious Bodies (ASARB). In ASARB’s last decennial survey in 2010 and if religious adherence is defined as only those people who are affiliated with a traditional congregation, then that perception is correct (Association of Religious Data Archives (2020aAssociation of Religious Data Archives. 2020a. “County Membership Report for Salt Lake County, Utah - 2010.” University Park, Pennsylvania: Dept. of Sociology, Pennsylvania State University. http://thearda.com/rcms2010/rcms2010A.asp?U=49035{&}T=county{&}Y=2010{&}S=family.)).Table 3, below, 87 percent = 1,910,504 LDS population divided by 2,186,403 persons claimed by congregations out of a 2010 population of 2,763,885. If the 21 percent of the religiously unclaimed are included, then the LDS portion of the statewide population is a lower 69 percent. Other anecdotal reviews suggest that the statewide ratio may be as low as 60 percent statewide (Canham (2020Canham, Matt. 2020. “Utah sees Latter-day Saint slowdown and membership numbers drop in Salt Lake County.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://www.sltrib.com/religion/2020/01/05/utah-sees-latter-day/.)) and less than 50 percent in Salt Lake County (Canham (2018Canham, Matt. 2018. “Salt Lake County is now minority Mormon, and the impacts are far reaching.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://www.sltrib.com/religion/2018/12/09/salt-lake-county-is-now/.)), if reporting bias is considered. Consistent with national trends towards declining religious adherence, in 2005, some predicted that less than 50 percent of Utahans will be LDS adherents by 2030 (Canham (2005Canham, Matt. 2005. “Mormon portion of Utah population steadily shrinking.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://archive.sltrib.com/article.php?id=2886596{&}itype=NGPSID.)).

In February 2020, the ASARB began contacting United States’ congregations to collect congregation membership data for its 2020 national decennial census. When released in 2022, the ASARB’s new survey results will provide an update on whether or not Utah is still on track towards the 2005 prediction that in 2030, Utah will no longer be a state with a majority of residents that follow the LDS faith.

The group of the religiously unclaimed is denoted by several names in different survey and articles: unclaimed persons, the religiously unaffiliated, or simply None, meaning no religious affiliation.

Nationally, from 1991 to 2018, the percentage of persons reporting that they are not affiliated with a traditional organized religion grew from 7 percent to 21 percent (Addendum Table A3; Figure 3, below; National Opinion Research Center and Chicago (2020National Opinion Research Center, and University of Chicago. 2020. “General Social Survey Data Explorer.” https://gssdataexplorer.norc.org/.)). During the same period, membership in traditional mainstream Protestant denominations has declined from 65 percent to 49 percent of the United States population (id). An unknown but significant portion of this new religious unaffiliated category are young persons who consider themselves spiritual, but not religious (SBNR) (Oppenheimer (2015Oppenheimer, Mark. 2015. “Examining the Growth of the ’Spiritual but Not Religious’.” The New York Times 14 (L): 2014–6. https://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/19/us/examining-the-growth-of-the-spiritual-but-not-religious.html.)).

This descriptive report examines the distribution of membership in traditional, organized religious congregations within Utah at the county level and estimates the extent of the national SBNR trend within Utah. The rate per 1,000 persons that had membership in a Utah traditional religious congregation in 2010 is illustrated in Figure 1, but Figure 1 excludes persons not claimed by any congregation or who may privately practice their spiritual beliefs outside of organized religion.

Figure 11 - Representative Churches of Salt Lake City, March 1914. Note: In this collage, the LDS Temple is reduced to a small image in the upper right-hand corner. The City's Catholic Cathedral de Madeleine is given central emphasis.  Source: Salt Lake City Municipal Record, March 1914, copy in author's possession. Figure 11 - Representative Churches of Salt Lake City, March 1914. Note: In this collage, the LDS Temple is reduced to a small image in the upper right-hand corner. The City’s Catholic Cathedral de Madeleine is given central emphasis. Source: Salt Lake City Municipal Record, March 1914, copy in author’s possession.

Utah’s culture has not been immune from the national trend away from Protestant religions and towards religious non-affiliation. A central unintuitive finding of this analysis is that in Utah, persons who are not claimed on membership rolls of any traditional religious congregation have evolved into the second largest “religious” Utah subgroup (21 percent).

The order of the relative numberParenthicals describe percents in Table 3, below. of members in Utah congregations in 2010 are: LDS (69), unclaimed by any congregation (21), Catholic (6), Evangelical (2), Protestant (0.8), all other denominations including Greek Orthodox, Judaism, Muslims and Buddhists (less than 0.1 each). In Utah’s highest-populated county, Salt Lake County, the order of the relative number of members in congregations are: LDS (59), unclaimed by any congregation (27), Catholic (8), Evangelical (3), Protestant (1), Greek Orthodox (0.5), Buddhist (0.4), and all other denominations, including Jewish and Muslim (0.4) (Table 2, below). Indirect evidence suggests that the ratio of LDS faith members within Salt Lake City may have a lower bound of 30 percent - much lower than the LDS statewide adherence rate (69 percent) and Salt Lake County (59 percent) (see Religious Adherence in Salt Lake City, below).

Figure 2. Cartogram-Choropleths of Unclaimed Persons, Crude Rates per 1,000 persons, for 29 Utah Counties in 2010

Figure 2. Cartogram-Choropleths of Unclaimed Persons, Crude Rates per 1,000 persons, for 29 Utah Counties in 2010

Note: Crude rates of persons unclaimed by any congregation per 1,000 persons. (a) Crude Rate by Land Area; (b) Crude Rate by County Total Population. (a) light orange = low; dark orange=high. Source: Tables 2 and 3; Grammich et al 2018; Utah Open GIS.

The increase of persons who are not affiliated with traditional religions and a subset of that population, SBNR individuals, should not assumed to represent a decline in United States’ religiosity. An alternative explanation is that the rise of SBNRs represents the early evolution of United States’ religiosity into a new expressive form. Another finding of this report based on religious diversity and adherence rates among the 50 States is that as religious diversity increases, so does religious participation. Increasing diversity among Utah’s faiths can lead to sustained or increased state-wide religiosity.

The relative frequency of adherence to traditional religions is also a topic of interest to many northern Utah residents, including Salt Lake City residents, due to commonplace beliefs about the interrelationship between the Church of Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) and political power in the Utah State Legislature.

For the purposes of this report, Latter-day Saint reported counts of Utah membership by congregation are assumed to not be an artifact. In 2005, a Brigham Young University demographer familiar with LDS membership rolls reported that between one-third and one-half of United States enrollees are not active (see The Accuracy of All Congregational Reports, below).

Methodology

Data Collection

Time-series data regarding United States religious participation by denomination for 1972 to 2018 were obtained from National Opinion Research Center and Chicago (2020National Opinion Research Center, and University of Chicago. 2020. “General Social Survey Data Explorer.” https://gssdataexplorer.norc.org/.). The NORC survey consists of a set of religiosity questions asked of 64,814 United States residents over 45 years. The survey was changed in 1997 to reflective the religious self-identification of “Christian”, as opposed to “Protestant” or “Catholic”. The data set should be read with that discontinuity in mind.

The primary source of information on membership on traditional congregations is the decennial survey carried out by the ASARB and its predecessor since 1980.The Association of Religious Data Archives (ARDA) provides archival storage of ASARB and other religious surveys. The ASARB last reported counts are for 2010 (Grammich et al. (2012aGrammich, Clifford, Kirk Hadaway, Richard Houseal, Dale E. Jones, Alexei Krindatch, Richie Stanley, and Richard H. Taylor. 2012a. “2010 U.S. Religion Census: Religious Congregations and Membership Study.” http://thearda.com/Archive/Files/Descriptions/RCMSCY10.asp http://thearda.com/Archive/Files/Downloads/RCMSCY10{_}DL2.asp.); Association of Religious Data Archives (2020bAssociation of Religious Data Archives. 2020b. “County Membership Report for Salt Lake County, Utah - 2010.” University Park, Pennsylvania: Dept. of Sociology, Pennsylvania State University. http://thearda.com/rcms2010/rcms2010A.asp?U=49035{&}T=county{&}Y=2010{&}S=family.)). ASARB collected its 2010 data by contacting 344,894 United States congregations concerning tallies of their current membership rolls; individuals are not counted directly; and total claimed adherents counted in 2010 was approximately 150 million (49 percent) out of a United States population of 310 million. ASARB made statistical adjustments for child memberships and made estimates for some minor religion memberships. The LDS Church and about 5,500 other Utah congregations participate in the ASARB survey (ARDA (2020a)). The LDS Church also annual reports of its membership totals within Utah to the Utah Office of Planning and Budget and The Salt Lake City Tribune periodically obtains and republishes that data (Canham (2020); Canham (2018)). In 2018, The Salt Lake Tribune based on LDS Church provided data estimated that non-members of the LDS Church within Salt Lake County slightly outnumber LDS church members (id).

The ASARB data and the re-categorized data and figures in this report can also be graphically summarized by using an online report generator application deployed by the Association of Religious Data Archives (ARDA) (ARDA (2020), ARDA (2020a)). Their web interface can also be used to extract religiosity data for Utah statewide and for the state’s individual counties. ASARB data is also reported in a printed edition (Grammich (2012Grammich, Clifford. 2012. 2010 US Religion Census: Religious Congregations & Membership Study: an Enumeration by Nation, State, and County Based on Data Reported for 236 Religious Groups. Lenexa, KS: Lenexa, Kan.: Association of Statisticians of American Religious Bodies. http://www.usreligioncensus.org/maps2010.php?sel{_}denom=151{&}sel{_}map{%}5B{%}5D=7{&}confirm=confirm.)).

The ASARB survey results are reported in a 3,149 row by 568 column data file (Grammich (2018)). Using the Stata and R statistical software packages, the ASARB dataset was cleaned, recoded and collapsed to refer only to 29 rows (counties) by 11 columns (characteristics) that were applicable to Utah counties (id). This data was joined to a Utah County GIS boundary shape file for graphing (State of Utah (2019State of Utah. 2019. “Utah.gov GIS Portal, County Boundaries Database (Web, GIS, Counties).” https://gis.utah.gov/data/boundaries/.)).

The principal ASARB author was contacted for clarifications on the structure of the source data (personal communications between Fisher and C. Grammich, January 2020). Fisher identified two limitations of the ASARB survey counts for Utah.

First, membership in Salt Lake County Jewish congregations No response was received to a request for confirmation of an estimate of Salt Lake County’s and Utah’s membership made to congregation Koi Ami (personal communication). may be underestimated at 815 persons (ARDA (2020)), and that count is included in the “other orthodox” denominations in ASARB and ARDA reporting (see “Other denominations” in Tables 2 and 3, below). Other estimates for Salt Lake County’s Jewish congregation membership imply an expected 2010 count of about 4,000 persons (Global Jewish News (2002Global Jewish News. 2002. “Tight-knit Group of Jews Live in Utah , Home to This Year ’ s Olympics, republished by Chabad Lubavitch of Utah.” https://www.jewishutah.com/templates/articlecco{_}cdo/aid/2925273/jewish/Tight-knit-Group-of-Jews-Live-in-Utah-Home-to-This-Years-Olympics.htm.)).

Second, ASARB data identifies San Juan County as having one of the highest rates of persons unclaimed by any congregation in Utah (Figure 2). Historically, San Juan County’s population has included a majority proportion of Navajo tribal members who reside principally on the Utah-Navajo Strip - the land south of the San Juan River that is within the Navajo Nation boundaries but north of the Utah southern state line. Navajos living within the Utah Strip have dual citizenship in the Navajo Nation and the United States and dual residency within the state of Utah. In 2017, San Juan County had a total population of 15,193, including 7,343 Native Americans (48 percent) (U.S. Census Bureau (2020U.S. Census Bureau. 2020. “Community Facts San Juan County , Utah.” https://factfinder.census.gov/faces/nav/jsf/pages/community{_}facts.xhtml?src=bkmk.)). Resident Native Americans included primarily Navajo Nation members, but also members of the Southern Paiute Band and White Mesa Ute Band. Religious participation in San Juan County is believed to be underreported due to Native American cultural practices of the Utah Strip Navajos and other tribal cultures. Although a highly spiritual people who have naturalistic religious practices, San Juan Native Americans may not participate in traditional congregations that report within the ASARB network.

Also of interest to Utah and Salt Lake City residents is the correlation between religious adherence and political party affiliation. County level data for religious adherence and political party affiliation was not available for the same year - 2010, and therefore, it was not possible to conduct a cross-correlation analysis based on county level data. Surveys will be conducted for both religious adherence and political party affiliation during 2020. The ASARB time series will be repeated in 2020, and this is the same year that a presidential election will occur in which the Utah Lieutenant Governor’s Office and Salt Lake County will collect party affiliation data for registered voters. Initial ASARB 2020 survey data is expected to be released in 2022. Cooperman (2012Cooperman, Alan. 2012. “Mormons in America Certain in Their Beliefs , Uncertain of Their Place in Society.” Washington, D.C. https://www.pewforum.org/2012/01/12/mormons-in-america-executive-summary/.) provides data correlating the political affiliations of LDS religious adherents both within and outside of Utah but within United States borders.

Other reported information regarding the relationship between religious adherence and political party affiliation exists with respect to a special subgroup - the Utah State Legislature. In 2019, The Salt Lake City Tribune examined the religious membership of the Utah State Legislature (Davidson (2019Davidson, Lee. 2019. “Who has a bigger supermajority than even Republicans in Utah ’s Legislature ? Latter-day Saints.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://www.sltrib.com/news/politics/2019/01/21/who-has-bigger/.)). In 2019, of 104 state legislators, 91 (88 percent) Republican or more conservative party legislators were members of the Latter Day Saint faith. Only one Republican member was not of the LDS faith (less than 1 percent). Twelve of 13 legislators who were of other denominations were Democrats (12 percent of all legislators) (id).

The Limitations of Measuring Congregational Religious Adherence

The Accuracy of All Congregational Reports, including LDS rolls, is Qualified by Over Reporting Error

This author was unable to extract standard deviations for county level religious adherence counts from Grammich (2018). Grammich (2018) reportsThe 50 States’ total adherence rate are not normally distributed. Figure 7(a), below. for ASARB 2010 survey the total rates of adherence per 1,000 population for all denominations and groups on the level of the 50 states: range 276.31 to 791.06; mean 474.74, and a standard deviation of 102.76. The spread for a single deviation is large.

The accuracy of self-congregation reporting is known to be subject to over reporting error (Brenner (2016Brenner, Philip S. 2016. “Research synthesis: Cross-national trends in religious service attendance.” Public Opinion Quarterly 80 (2): 563–83. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfw016.)). Some researchers assert that over reporting of membership may be as high as fifty percent on the level of individual congregations (id). Discrepancies are rarely reported but raise concerns about accuracy. With respect to the LDS faith internationally in 2000, a Brazilian census reported 199,645 self-identified LDS faith members, but in that year, the LDS church reported 743,182 members on its rolls (Stack (2005Stack, Peggy Fletcher. 2005. “Keeping members a challenge for LDS church.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://archive.sltrib.com/article.php?id=2890645{&}itype=NGPSID.)) and in Latin America in 2005, retention of members was difficult because many new members found that they could not meet the strict conduct requirements of their new faith (id).

In 2005, BYU demographer Professor Tim Heaton reported that within Utah about one-third and one-half of persons on LDS membership rolls are not active (Canham (2005)). That suggested that in 2005, about 42 percent of Utahans statewide are active church-attendees (id).

In 2019, the accuracy of Church of Later Day Saints’ reports within Utah is considered to be high due to anecdotal reports of their business practices (personal obs.). Modern LDS church members are assigned individual internet account identification numbers, and members access their church news and member records via internet applications.

Conversely, LDS rolls may overstate membership counts due to the difficulty of withdrawing from their faith (see LDS Member Resignations, below) and because rolls are not purged of members who are born into the faith, but never are baptized (Canham (2020)). Anecdotally, Salt Lake City LGBTQ persons who were enrolled in church membership without consent as children report that the process to remove themselves from church rolls as adults is time-consuming and difficult (personal communications, anonymous). LGBTQ persons report that to resign, that must fill out and file an application and a notarized letter-request to withdraw. Then a church officer conducts an in-home interview. Several letters may be received by the applicant and some report the entire process can take between six months to a year to complete, although some report that they can complete the process in a couple of months. The LDS church business practice concerning resignation may overstate active Utah membership because persons who are no longer active and no longer wish to be members may not want to go to the expense and the time to resign their church affiliation. They may also wish to avoid the adverse familial problems that arise from resignation.

Young Utah LDS adults in their twenties are under family and social pressure to not announce their withdrawal from LDS Church rolls. A 2013 First Presidency statement counsels members to treat ex-Mormons with respect because on Church doctrine regarding self-agency and compassion for those engaged in a personal religious search (Saints (2013Saints, Latter-day. 2013. “Come, Join with Us.” Church of Jesus Christ of Later-day Saints. https://media.ldscdn.org/pdf/general-conference/october-2013-general-conference/2013-10-1070-president-dieter-f-uchtdorf-eng.pdf?lang=eng.)). Harrison (2017Harrison, Mette Ivie. 2017. “Do Mormons Shun?” New York City, New York. https://www.huffpost.com/entry/do-mormons-shun{_}b{_}5a007e70e4b076eaaae27173.) discusses more mild forms of exclusion by ex-members from their families. Anecdotally, young LDS adults report that if they announce to their parental families that they are no longer LDS, they are shunned and excluded from most contact with their parental and extended families (personal obs.; Walt-Joffe (2005Walt-Joffe, Chana. 2005. “Shunned ex-Mormons form their own community.” Washington, D.C. https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4968585.)). Young LDS adults anecdotally report that the path of least social resistance is to personally withdraw from participation from the LDS faith, but not to announce that withdraw to either their family or Church authorities (personal obs.). They form new personal relationships with other non-observing SBNR affiliates in their age group who are also former LDS members (e.g. Walt-Jaffe (2005)).

These social forces may result in over reporting the counts of LDS adherents within Utah, but the extent of that reporting bias is unquantified and unknown.

Measuring Religiosity by Church Attendance Inherently Includes Definitional Reporting Bias.

Religious service attendance is not inherently more important than other ways of operationalizing religiosity, like affiliation, other behaviors (e.g., scripture reading, praying, and meditating), or beliefs (Brenner 2016).

Restated, measuring religiosity by church attendance is a form of measuring bias created by the definitional criteria applied. The measuring error of the ASRB survey’s failure to detect the naturalistic religiosity practices of San Juan County Navajos and other Native Americans, discussed above, also illustrates the practical and unavoidable definitional limitations of measuring religion by counting congregations.

Nationally, religiosity measured by church congregation size has been declining within the United States approximately 0.25 percent per year for three decades going back to 1986 (Brenner 2016). This is part of a general cultural trend in northern Western European and North American countries (id).

Part of reason that there has been a twenty-three percent decline in the rate of religious adherence in the United States as measured in ASARB and other surveys is due to how religiosity is defined. If religiosity is measured by the criteria of mainstream church affiliation, then the United States and Utah has experienced a significant decline in religiosity. If religiosity is defined by other behaviors such as praying, meditating or thinking about spiritual beliefs that proposition is suspect. The decline in religious adherence may represent a transformation of American religiosity into new forms. This question is discussed in more depth in the next section.

The ASARB method identifies “unclaimed persons” by taking the difference between an area’s total population and subtracting the number of persons claimed by congregations. That method has its limitations, as discussed above, but it as a practical matter one of the few survey methods that can give a long time-series insight into the state of United States congregations and the state of the nation’s religions.

Another approach is to survey a sample of adults and to allow them to self-declare their religious affiliation, including “unaffiliated” or “non-religious”. This is the method used in PEW Life and Religion studies. Stewart (2019Stewart, Evan. 2019. “No Church in the Wild: The Politics of American Non religion.” Edited by Penny Edgell, Joseph Gerteis, Joshua Page, and Christopher Federico. ProQuest Dissertations Publishing.) discusses the difficulties associated with categorizing people by the self-identification survey method. People holding a wide-variety of religious beliefs describe themselves “non-religious”.

Analysis

The United States has Become More Religiously Diverse since 1990 due to the Rise of the Religiously Unaffiliated.

Since 1991 for persons that self-identify as members of traditional denominations, the percent of the United States population that participate in those denominations has been declining (Figures 3 and 4; NORC (2020)). Since 1991, the number of persons who self-identify as unaffiliated with any traditional denomination has tripled.

Figure 3 - Trends in Distribution of Religious Adherence for 1972 to 2018 - Stacked Area Char

Note: Survey definitions changed in 1997 to include Evangelicals. Source: NCOR-General Social Survey. N=64,814 respondents over 45 years.

It is difficult to interpret within group trends in a stacked area chart. Figure 4 shows the same data as Figure 3 in a line chart format. The decline of Protestant adherence and the corresponding rise of persons self-reporting as unaffiliated is visually apparent. In terms of relative population, Catholicism and other denominations have remained relatively constant. The relative population of Catholics has not significantly declined despite several years of prominent scandals regarding priest sex-abuse (Figures 3 and 4). Between 1972 and 2018, the United States’ population increased from 209,896,000 to 327,167,434 persons (a 56 percent increase) (Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis (2020Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. 2020. “Population Totals for the United States: 1960-2018, File: POPTOTUSA647NWDB.” https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/POPTOTUSA647NWDB.)). The absolute population of these denominations haved continued to increase since 1972.

Figure 4 - Trends in Distribution of Religious Adherence for 1972 to 2018 - Line Chart

Note: N=64,814 respondents over 45 years. Survey definitions changed in 1997. Source: NCOR-General Social Survey.

A 2012 Pew Research Center reached a similar conclusion for the 2007 to 2012 period (Pew Research Center (2012Pew Research Center. 2012. “"Nones" on the Rise.” Washington, D.C. https://www.pewforum.org/2012/10/09/nones-on-the-rise/.)) based on a survey of 1,019 United States adults. Pew estimated that 20 percent of U.S. adults were agnostic or religious unaffiliated. Pew found that in 2012, seventy-two percent of that twenty percent of the Nones rarely or never attend religious services. Shea (2018Shea, William M. 2018. The Evangelicals: The Struggle to Shape America by Frances Fitzgerald. Vol. 129. 3. New York City, New York: Simon; Schuster. https://doi.org/10.1353/acs.2018.0046.) using Pew Research Center data, concludes that the percentage of United States’ Evangelicals is 25 percent (see also Politics and Prose (2017Politics and Prose. 2017. “Frances Fitzgerald, the Evangelicals (Lecture).” YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OVXr02vHmS4.)). Other surveys using different interview questions arrive at slightly different denominational allocations.

There has been much academic and popular discussion of the rise of the Nones subpopulation and the SBNR subgroup. The Nones are a combination of the unaffiliated, atheists, and SBNRs (Parsons (2018Parsons, William Barclay. 2018. Being Spiritual but Not Religious. New York City, New York: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315107431.); Oppenheimer (2015Oppenheimer, Mark. 2015. “Examining the Growth of the ’Spiritual but Not Religious’.” The New York Times 14 (L): 2014–6. https://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/19/us/examining-the-growth-of-the-spiritual-but-not-religious.html.); Pew Research Center (2012); Thompson (2019Thompson, Derek. 2019. “Three Decades Ago , America Lost Its Religion. Why?” New York, New York. https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/09/atheism-fastest-growing-religion-us/598843/.)). There are many theories regarding their increase. Hout and Fischer (2001Hout, Michael, and Claude S Fischer. 2001. “Explaining the Rise of Americans With No Religious Preference: Politics and Generations.” NORC General Social Survey Social Change Reports. Chicago, Ill.: University of California at Berkeley. http://gss.norc.org/Documents/reports/social-change-reports/SC46.pdf.) points to political and cultural polarization accompanied with an association between the Republican Party and the Christian right. Traditionally in the United States history, political and religious power had been separate. By the Christian right asserting its political power, they generated a counter-reaction among the young that causes them to disassociate themselves from traditional church attendance between the ages of 18 to 30 (id). In this report, Hout and Fischer (2001) is adopted as the predominate narrative explaining the rise of the religious unaffiliated.

Christian Smith at the University of Norte Dame suggests that the loss of external social pressure from the end of the Cold War in 1989 relaxed the need for a sense of a community secure from international threats (Thompson (2019)). Mercadante (2014Mercadante, Linda A. 2014. Belief without Borders. Cambridge, England: Oxford Scholarship Online. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199931002.001.0001.) surveys SNBRs beliefs and motivations, and she suggests that one of the primary causes of the rise in new SBNRs is the cultural rise of the morality of personal fulfilment.

Of particular academic and denominational concern has been trends in the demographic age structure of denominational membership. United States’ Millennials participate in traditional religions at a lower rate than their predecessor generations (Pew Research Center (2012); Alper (2015Alper, Becka A. 2015. “Millennials are less religious than older Americans, but just as spiritual.” Washington, D.C. https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/11/23/millennials-are-less-religious-than-older-americans-but-just-as-spiritual/.); Davie (2017Davie, Grace. 2017. Robert Jones, The End of White Christian America. Vol. 120. 6. New York City, New York: Simon; Schuster. https://doi.org/10.1177/0040571x17719679c.)). Twenty-seven percent of Millennials attend religious services weekly. In contrast, fifty-one percent of pre-Vietnam era generations attend weekly services (Alper). But does not mean that Millennials have less religiosity than prior generations (Alper, Robertson (2016)). Fifty-five percent of Millennials report thinking about the meaning and purpose of life on a weekly basis. That rate is similar to prior generations (id). Although lower than prior generations, about one-half of United States Millennials believe in certain existence of a God-deity (id). Two key characteristics are increasing. With respect to a belief in God and praying, Millennials have a higher belief and prayer practice rate than Generation X (Robertson (2016)).

Since 2004, another dimension in which United States religiosity has continued to increase its diversity is ethnicity (Harvard Divinity School (2018Harvard Divinity School. 2018. “The End of White Christian America: A Conversation with E. J. Dionne and Robert P. Jones.” Harvard University. https://youtu.be/gRqTYX6IwAY.); Jones (2017)). Through the 2000s, the ethnic composition of United States Protestant, Catholic and Christian membership was overwhelmingly persons of white ethnicity. Ethnic demographic changes in membership of traditional Protestant, Catholic and Christian denominations have been driven by the decline in fertility rates of white members and a rise in minority membership. A result of those trends is that the white ethnicity percent of United States Protestant, Catholic and Christian membership dropped from 59 percent in 2004 to 43 percent in 2014 - a decrease of 1 percent per year (id). From the viewpoint of the Christian evangelical right, 2014 represents a cultural tipping point (id). This demographic change represents a rapid cultural shift that also increases religious diversity in the United States.

Utah has not escaped these demographic trends. Historically, the LDS faith has been able to sustain and expand its large Utah congregations with a high fertility rate, e.g. 2.65 births per woman in 1990 or 27 percent higher than the national average of 2.08 births per woman (Kem C. Gardner Policy Institute (2019Kem C. Gardner Policy Institute. 2019. “Utah’s fertility level falls below replacement level and declines for the 11th consecutive year.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://gardner.utah.edu/utahs-fertility-level-falls-below-replacement-level-and-declines-for-the-11th-consecutive-year/.)). But by 2018, Utah’s fertility rate had dropped to below the replacement rate of 2.1 births per woman. Without immigration or conversion, Utah’s LDS congregations will decline in size in the future.

Since 1991, these four trends - (1) Millennials and their successors who are primarily white adults choosing to not enter Protestant congregations at the start of their twenties, (2) declining birth rates as more women participate in the labor market, (3) rising non-traditional religious expressions like SNBRs, and (4) changing ethnic demography in congregation membership - have resulted in a rapid cultural shift that continues to increase the diversity of United States religious practices. When unaffiliated persons are treated as their own denomination, that cultural shift increases religious diversity. That shift in affiliation has also resulted in a decline in religious affiliation within Protestant congregations.

Utah’s Religious Adherence and Diversity within the National Context

Utah has not been immune to this national trend, although the State remains in terms of religious adherence and diversity an anomalous outlier among the States (Grammich et al. (2012bGrammich, Clifford, Kirk Hadaway, Richard Houseal, Dale E. 2012b. “2010 U.S. Religion Census: Religious Congregations and Membership Study.” http://thearda.com/Archive/Files/Descriptions/RCMSST10.asp.)). Among the 50 states, Utah is the number 1 rank for total religious adherence at 719 per 1,000 persons - a level far higher than the average rate for all of the States.

Figure 5 - Cartogram and Choropleths of Total Religious Adherence Rate per 1,000 Persons by U.S. State in 2010

Figure 5 - Cartogram and Choropleths of Total Religious Adherence Rate per 1,000 Persons by U.S. State in 2010

Note: For the lower 48 States. Darker colors means higher religious adherence per 1,000 persons; lighter colors means a lower rate of adherence. In (b), the sizes of the states are distorted to reflect a State’s population relative to the 50 States. Grammich (2018a).

Figure 6 - Cartogram and Choropleths of Religious Diversity Index by U.S. State in 2010

Figure 6 - Cartogram and Choropleths of Religious Diversity Index by U.S. State in 2010

Note: For the lower 48 States. Darker colors means lower diversity; lighter colors means higher diversity. In (b), the sizes of the states are distorted to reflect a State’s population relative to the 50 States. Source: Grammich (2018a).

About Simpson’s Index Compliment Simpson’s Index \[ = \frac{1}{\sum_{i=1}^{s} p_{i} }\] Simpson’s Index Compliment = 1 - Simpson’s Index, where \[p_{i}\] is the fraction of one ethnic group observed in a given area. Subgroups can be defined on any characteristics, such as age, ethnicity, or religious membership. Simpson`s Compliment is a measure of how diverse groups are within an area. The index can be interpreted as the probability that the next person you meet in a neighborhood will be of the same ethnicity or religious denomination as yourself. A low-value like 0.3 means that a neighborhood is ethnically or religiously diverse; a high-value like 0.8 means a neighborhood is ethnically or religiously homogenous. In such a neighborhood, you have a low probability of meeting someone of a different ethnic background or religious denomination. Using ASARB data for the 50 States, the diversity of religious denominations was estimated using Simpson’s Index Compliment (Addendum Table A2). In the diversity index shown in Table 1 and in Figure 6 above, persons unclaimed by any congregation are treated as their own artificially defined “denomination”. Simpson’s Index Compliment is a number between 0.00 and 1.00. Whereever presented in this report, this diversity index is multiplied by 100 for reading clarity.

Figure 6 summarizes the religious diversity and the total adherence rate per 1,000 persons for the 50 States. Table 1 lists the diversity index for the six top highest adherence rate States, and Table 1 is an excerpt from Addendum Table A2 for all 50 States. Again, Utah - along with Maine - is an outlier from the other States in terms of low-diversity with a Simpson’s Index Compliment of 54.

Figure 6 is similar to an ASARB’s graph titled Religious Diversity in the United States, 2010 in Grammich (2012), but the methodology used here differs from that earlier work (Ball (2012Ball, Carolyn. 2012. “Religious Diversity in the Workplace The State of Religious Diversity Religious Diversity in the United States.” In 2010 U.s. Religion Census: Religious Congregations and Membership Study. Lenexa, KS: Lenexa, Kan.: Association of Statisticians of American Religious Bodies. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4059-4.)). Grammich (2012) graphs diversity on a finer county level and not on the state level. Grammich (2012) used Simpson’s Index to measure diversity; here Simpson’s Index Compliment is used. To compute Simpson’s Index, Grammich et al used populations within each county of Latter-day Saint, Catholic, Protestant, Other Christian, Islam, Jewish, or Other religious persons claimed by congregations. Here, the ASARB 2010 data was categorized (Addendum Table A2) into Unclaimed Persons, Evangelical Protestant, Catholic, Mainline Protestant, Other including Latter-day Saint, Black Protestant, and Orthodox.

Again, the ASARB did not include Unclaimed Persons as a religious category; this report denotes unclaimed persons their own diversity category. The ASARB diversity graph and the diversity graph presented above in Figure 6 should be considered supplemental views that emphasize different aspects of the same underlying data. Visually, the two graphical presentations are similar.

Table 1 - Top 6 U.S. States for Religious Adherence Rate per 1,000 Persons with Diversity in 2010

State Simpson’s Index Compliment Unclaimed Total Adherence Evangelical Protestant Catholic Mainline Protestant Other Black Protestant Orthodox
Utah 54 209 791 23 58 9 698 1 2
North Dakota 27 329 671 117 249 293 13 0 0
Alabama 33 371 629 420 42 81 12 72 1
Louisiana 29 394 606 235 265 45 13 48 1
Oklahoma 35 407 593 408 48 102 21 14 1
Mississippi 34 413 587 394 38 82 12 62 0

Note: A high Simpson’s Index Compliment indicates low diversity; a low value indicates high diversity. Source: Grammich (2018a).

Visually comparing Figure 5 (adherence) and Figure 6 (religious diversity), some inconsistencies are apparent. In Figure 5, Utah and North Dakota are the two top rank States with respect to religious adherence (see Table 1). In Figure 6, Utah and Maine are the two lowest States ranked on the criteria of religious diversity. Utah and North Dakota are unrelated for religious diversity. These inconsistent rankings for religious adherence and religious diversity are illustrated in Figure 7 - histograms from each characteristic.

Figure 7 - Histograms for Religious Adherence and Diversity for U.S. States in 2010

Figure 7 - Histograms for Religious Adherence and Diversity for U.S. States in 2010

Note: In both subfigures, the colored vertical lines represent: red = Utah, blue = North Dakota, and green = Maine. Source: Grammich (2018).

This visual representations of religious adherence and religious diversity suggest that these factors are not correlated. But Figure 8 indicates that an association exists between adherence and diversity for the 50 States.

Figure 8 - Two-Way Plot of Religious Adherence and Diversity for U.S. States and Selected Utah Counties in 2010

Note: The figure also plots four red points. Those points are the diversity-adherence pairs for four counties in Utah discussed in the main text. The Religious Diversity Index used in this figure is Simpson’s Index Compliment. A high value indicates low diversity; a low value indicates high diversity. Source: Grammich (2018).

There are two possible, conflicting interpretations of the potential relationship shown in Figure 8.The regression family that yields the highest coefficient of determination between Total Adherence Rate and Simpson’s Index Compliment is logarithmic (Diversity=-0.29ln(TDR)+2.15; R2=0.84). The first conflicting interpretation is that the visual association between adherence and diversity is a data artifact. The 50 States represent a non-random division of the geography of the lower 48 states that contain a declining sample size of the United States’ population. Those divisions are generating a broken-stick or niche apportionment model of the data.

The States in Figure 8 and Addendum Table A1, excluding Utah, can be roughly categorized into three groups. The first cohort is high diversity and high adherence (Table A1 - top rows; States North Dakota and Minnesota; total adherence rates between 560 and 671; diversity index ranges between 29 and 35). Excluding Utah, these states have populations that belong to nearly equal proportions of two or three traditional denominations and the unclaimed person population. In the second cohort, diversity and adherence are near the means shown in Figure 5, above (Table A2 - middle rows; States Rhode Island to California; total adherence rates between 450 and 550; diversity index ranges between 30 and 40). These states have an unclaimed population that is nearly equal to the sum or two three equally distributed traditional denominations. The third group is low diversity and low adherence (Table A1 - bottom rows; States Hawaii to Maine; total adherence rates between 275 and 415; diversity index ranges greater than 40). These states have a high populations of religiously unclaimed persons and two or three relatively smaller populations of traditional denominations.

A second hypothesis that explains the religious association visually seen in Figure 8 is that the association is related to how people join denominations. Compare the low diversity and low adherence states at the left side of Figure 8 to the high-diversity and high-adherence states at the right side of Figure 8, excluding Utah. The data in Figure 8 suggests that as the availability of socially diverse religious congregation increases, potential members have more opportunities to join a congregations that satisfies their individual needs for a religious community experience.Economists and persons with basic microeconomic coursework may notice that the slope of these supply and demand driven curves are inverted. Because this report uses Simpson’s Index Compliment to plot diversity instead of Simpson’s Index, the usual slopes of supply and demand curves are reversed. An editorial choice was made to keep the use of Simpson’s Index Compliment uniform throughout this report for reading clarity. The national trend of higher religious diversity among congregations, i.e. a lower Simpson’s Index Compliment, is that as more people join congregations, statewide religious adherence increases. The regression family that yields the highest coefficient of determination between Total Adherence Rate and Simpson’s Index Compliment is logarithmic (Diversity=-0.29ln(TDR)+2.15; R2=0.84)). National religious adherence is a demand curve driven by the need for the diverse quality of religious experiences.

Religious Adherence within Utah’s Counties

Classification of States by religious diversity and religious adherence also illustrates just how unique Utah is among the 50 states. Figure 8 also plots four points of heterogeneous data for Utah counties, including three of four of Utah’s most populous counties (Salt Lake, Davis and Weber counties). Within Utah, its counties demonstrate the opposite trend from national state data. In Utah as religious diversity decreases, i.e. an increasing Simpson’s Index Compliment, religious adherence to congregations increases.

Table 2 shows the rates of religious adherence per 1,000 persons for each of Utah’s 29 counties. Table 3 shows the counts of religious adherence for each of Utah’s 29 counties.

Table 2 - Adherents by Religious Denomination and Utah Counties - Rate per 1,000 Persons

County Name Population in 2010 Population Rank Unclaimed Persons Total Adherent Rank LDS Catholic Evangelical Mainline Protestant Orthodox (Greek) Buddhist Black-Protestant Other Denomination
Salt Lake 1029655 1 268 732 21 593 82 27 12 5 4 1 3
Utah 516564 2 91 909 1 887 13 5 1 0 0 0 3
Davis 306479 3 176 824 10 747 42 26 4 0 5 1 0
Weber 231236 4 247 753 19 600 82 47 12 2 5 4 2
Washington 138115 5 243 757 18 682 42 17 9 0 0 5 1
Cache 112656 6 123 877 6 823 29 14 7 0 0 0 1
Tooele 58218 7 122 878 5 668 184 21 5 0 0 0 0
Box Elder 49975 8 97 903 2 814 40 16 8 0 25 0 0
Iron 46163 9 225 775 17 691 49 30 5 0 0 0 0
Summit 36324 10 424 576 27 350 145 21 39 0 0 0 20
Uintah 32588 11 284 716 22 624 37 40 14 0 0 0 0
Sanpete 27822 12 199 801 12 789 3 8 1 0 0 0 0
Wasatch 23530 13 333 667 23 645 16 6 0 0 0 0 0
Carbon 21403 14 201 799 13 531 191 47 17 13 0 0 0
Sevier 20802 15 123 877 7 836 13 26 2 0 0 0 0
Duchesne 18607 16 219 781 15 735 14 30 1 0 0 0 0
San Juan 14746 17 497 503 29 440 12 36 12 0 0 0 3
Millard 12503 18 170 830 9 793 6 29 2 0 0 0 0
Emery 10976 19 181 819 11 773 10 37 0 0 0 0 0
Juab 10246 20 165 835 8 817 14 0 3 0 0 0 0
Morgan 9469 21 104 896 3 889 0 0 7 0 0 0 0
Grand 9225 22 462 538 28 311 69 89 60 0 0 0 9
Kane 7125 23 333 667 24 578 34 30 25 0 0 0 0
Beaver 6629 24 224 776 16 749 23 4 0 0 0 0 0
Garfield 5172 25 254 746 20 731 10 5 0 0 0 0 0
Wayne 2778 26 214 786 14 777 5 4 0 0 0 0 0
Rich 2264 27 120 880 4 880 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Piute 1556 28 334 666 25 666 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Daggett 1059 29 344 656 26 656 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Mean All 234 766 692 40 21 8 1 1 0 1

Note: Crude Rate per 1,000 Persons in 2010. Source: Grammich 2018.

Table 3 - Adherents by Religious Denomination for Utah Counties - by Count

County Name Population in 2010 Population Rank Unclaimed Persons Total LDS Catholic Evangelical Mainline Protestant Orthodox (Greek) Buddhist Black-Protestant Other Denomination
Salt Lake 1029655 1 275566 754089 610846 84342 27497 12789 5352 4532 1302 2889
Utah 516564 2 46751 469813 457999 6792 2540 423 0 103 211 1745
Davis 306479 3 54029 252450 228813 12782 7928 1135 0 1467 200 75
Weber 231236 4 57117 174119 138648 18933 10761 2761 350 1250 887 429
Washington 138115 5 33610 104505 94191 5845 2345 1291 0 0 658 175
Cache 112656 6 13805 98851 92665 3308 1596 843 0 0 0 131
Tooele 58218 7 7074 51144 38888 10706 1250 293 0 0 0 7
Box Elder 49975 8 4850 45125 40668 2008 807 389 0 1250 0 3
Iron 46163 9 10393 35770 31883 2248 1384 252 0 0 0 3
Uintah 32588 11 9260 23328 20349 1209 1311 450 0 0 0 9
Sanpete 27822 12 5550 22272 21957 76 213 25 0 0 0 1
Summit 36324 10 15417 20907 12704 5279 751 1429 0 0 0 744
Sevier 20802 15 2552 18250 17392 273 539 44 0 0 0 2
Carbon 21403 14 4293 17110 11367 4091 1002 367 280 0 0 3
Wasatch 23530 13 7838 15692 15172 368 150 0 0 0 0 2
Duchesne 18607 16 4079 14528 13676 268 565 18 0 0 0 1
Millard 12503 18 2124 10379 9909 76 364 28 0 0 0 2
Emery 10976 19 1985 8991 8483 105 403 0 0 0 0 0
Juab 10246 20 1695 8551 8373 145 0 32 0 0 0 1
Morgan 9469 21 982 8487 8418 0 0 69 0 0 0 0
San Juan 14746 17 7324 7422 6490 177 535 177 0 0 0 43
Beaver 6629 24 1483 5146 4965 152 28 0 0 0 0 1
Grand 9225 22 4264 4961 2869 635 823 555 0 0 0 79
Kane 7125 23 2375 4750 4117 242 213 176 0 0 0 2
Garfield 5172 25 1316 3856 3781 50 25 0 0 0 0 0
Wayne 2778 26 594 2184 2158 15 10 0 0 0 0 1
Rich 2264 27 272 1992 1992 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Piute 1556 28 520 1036 1036 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Daggett 1059 29 364 695 695 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Total 2763885 577482 2186403 1910504 160125 63040 23546 5982 8602 3258 6348
Percent 100 21 79 69 6 2 1 0 0 0 0

Note: Adherents Claimed by Congregations in 2010. In percent summary line, 0 percent means less than 1 percent. Source: Grammich 2018.

The first key characteristic of Utah’s 2010 religious adherence is that a substantial statewide subpopulation is not claimed by any church congregation (23 percent). In Salt Lake County that subpopulation is 27 percent. These rates of unclaimed persons are consistent with national trends. The distribution, age demographics and other spiritual practices of the statewide 23 percent unclaimed persons is not known. Whether these Utah unclaimed persons are inactive members of traditional mainline religions is not known.

Figure 9 - Cartogram-Choropleths of Catholic Adherence for 29 Utah Counties in 2010

Figure 9 - Cartogram-Choropleths of Catholic Adherence for 29 Utah Counties in 2010

Note: N=160,125 claimed by Utah Catholic congregations in 2010. Crude Rates per 1,000 persons. (a) Crude Rate by Land Area; (b) Crude Rate by County Total Population. (a) light purple = low; dark purple = high. Source: Tables 2 and 3; Grammich (2018); Utah Open GIS.

The three largest Utah religious affiliations are LDS (Table 3, 69 percent of the population), unclaimed persons (Table 2, above, 23 percent of the population), and Catholics (Table 3, four percent of the population). Figure 9 shows the distribution of statewide Catholic religious adherence rates. The highest rates of Catholic adherence are in Tooele, Summit, and Carbon counties, although by count, the largest concentration of Catholic adherents is in Salt Lake County (Table 2).

Religious Diversity within Utah’s Counties

Table 5 estimates using Simpson’s Index Compliment the diversity for Utah statewide, for Salt Lake County, and for the Utah State Legislature.

Table 4 - Distribution of Religious Affiliation and Diversity per 1,000 Persons of the Utah State Legislature, Utah Statewide and Salt Lake County in 2010

Group Unclaimed LDS Catholic Other Simpson’s Index Compliment
Utah Legislature 29 894 19 58 0.80
Statewide 230 690 40 40 0.53
Salt Lake County 270 590 80 60 0.43

Source: Grammich (2018a) for Utah statewide and Grammich (2018) Salt Lake County; Davidson (2019) for the Utah State legislature.

As noted above,A linear regression is a reasonable fit for the association between Total Adherence Rate and Simpson’s Index Compliment for Utah’s counties (Diversity=0.09(TDR)-14.17; R2=0.58). the second key characteristic of Utah’s 2010 religious adherence is that as religious diversity decreases, i.e. when Simpson’s Index Compliment increases, the rate of religious adherence of counties within Utah increases. As shown below in Figure 10, this is opposite the national trend.

Figure 10 - Two-Way Plot of Religious Adherence and Diversity for 29 Utah Counties in 2010

Note: The Religious Diversity Index used in this figure is Simpson’s Index Compliment. A high value indicates low diversity; a low value indicates high diversity. Source: Grammich (2018); Tables 2 and 3.

This association indicates that religious adherence is directly proportional to the population of LDS faith membership within a county. While nationally, the availability of a supply of diverse congregations may affect religious participation, with respect to Utah’s 31 percent non-LDS population, that association is overwhelmed in the ASARB data by LDS membership. LDS houses of worship are a homogenous religious commodity that are ubiquitously available throughout the State. The LDS adherence rate is a supply curve of a uniform product that is directly proportional to a county’s LDS population.

Religious Adherence within Salt Lake City

Because the ASARB methodology collects data estimating membership by church congregations and not the location of individual congregation members, disaggregated data for religious membership within Salt Lake City’s municipal limits is not available.

Other indirect evidence suggests that the ratio of LDS faith members within Salt Lake City may be lower than the LDS adherence rate within Utah (69 percent) and within Salt Lake County (59 percent). During the recent November 2019 mayoral election that had a eighty-seven percent turnout rate among 91488 registered voters (Salt Lake County Clerk (2019Salt Lake County Clerk. 2019. “Election Results for 2019 Municipal Election (Web, Database, Excel).” https://slco.org/clerk/elections/election-results/.)), only thirty percent of likely voters in a pre-election poll self-identified as LDS (Bernick (2019Bernick, Robert. 2019. “Mendenhall mailer makes religion a last-minute issue in race for SLC mayor. Half of voters say they’re aware of the candidate’s religion.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://utahpolicy.com/index.php/features/today-at-utah-policy/22051-mendenhall-mailer-makes-religion-a-last-minute-issue-in-race-for-slc-mayor-half-of-voters-say-they-re-aware-of-the-candidate-s-religion.)).

Discussion

What do the Religiously Unaffiliated Believe?

Nationally, Pew Research Center (2012) surveyed U.S. adults who self-identify as religiously unaffiliated. Demographically, they are widely dispersed by income and education and political ideology, but they significantly lean towards the Democratic as opposed to the Republican parties (63 percent versus 26 percent). The religiously unaffiliated attached less importance to religion than the general public: 14 versus 67 percent feel that religion is important in their daily lives. The religiously unaffiliated are not antagonistic to traditional religion, and there is little difference between the religiously unaffiliated and the general public concerning the important traditional role that religions play in helping the poor (77 percent versus 90 percent) (id).

Consistent with Hout and Fischer (2001)’s theory, the Pew Center found that the religiously unaffiliated more strongly felt that traditional religions were too involved in politics (67 percent versus 47 percent) (id.) The affiliated and unaffiliated also had strong differing opinions on the trigger issues of abortion and gay rights. The unaffiliated strongly opposed restricting abortion in almost all and no cases; the affiliated strongly supported those restrictions (72 versus 49 percent). Similarly, with respect to gay rights, those ratios were 73 and 41 percent, respectively.

Summers-Effler (2012Summers-Effler, Erika. 2012. The New Metaphysicals: Spirituality and the American Religious Imagination. Vol. 41. 2. Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press. https://doi.org/10.1177/0094306112438190d.) provides an ethnographic survey of non-traditional religious practices in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Robertson (2016Robertson, Reed. 2016. “Religion after Religion: Millennials in a Post-Religious Age.” TedX CSC, Reed College; YouTube. https://youtu.be/qmLbD3m6Z3w.) provides a popular lecture that reviews key characteristics of SBNRs.

Utah has Become More Religiously Diverse since 1990.

As noted above, a key characteristic of Utah’s 2010 religious adherence is that a substantial statewide subpopulation does not adhere to any church congregation (21 percent). Although 69 percent of Utahans adhere to the LDS faith, unclaimed and adherence to other faiths occurs in 31 percent of Utah’s population (Table 3).

Utah is more religiously more diverse than many may conclude based on commonplace reports or as had been the case twenty-years ago. The proportion of Utah’s religiously unclaimed persons is consistent with the national trend among the young that began in 1991 away from organized religion and towards being spiritual, but not associated with any formal religion, i.e. SBNRs.

Migration Does Not Explain the Rise of Utah’s Religiously Unaffiliated.

Utah is a state with by moderate rates of out-of-state residents migrating into Utah. Between 2010 and 2018, 113,136 persons moved to the state (Davidson (2018Davidson, Lee. 2018. “Utah ranks No. 1 for population growth this decade — adds nearly 400K new residents - The Salt Lake Tribune.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://www.sltrib.com/news/politics/2018/12/19/utah-ranks-no-population/.)), while its 2010 religiously unaffiliated population was 577,482 persons out of a total population of 2,763,885 (Table 3). Between 2000 and 2010, Utah’s in-migration ground to halt due to the 2008 Great Recession (Harris and Perlich (2019Harris, Emily R., and Pamela S Perlich. 2019. “Utahns on the Move: State and County Migration Age Patterns.” Informed Decisions. Salt Lake City, Utah: Kem C. Gardner Institute. https://gardner.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/MigrationReport-Aug2019.pdf.)).

By 2018, Utah had reached a net in-migration of young adults (id). In 2018, an estimated 100,824 persons migrated to Utah, and 91,741 persons moved out of the state, for a net in-migration of 9,083, or about 0.3 percent of the state’s total population (United States Census Bureau (2020United States Census Bureau. 2020. “State-to-State Migration Flows, File: State-to-State Migration Flows: 2018.” https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/geographic-mobility/state-to-state-migration.html.)). This net migration is within the margin-or-error for Census Bureau estimates for Utah’s in- and out- migration.

In 2017-2018, fifty-five percent of domestic in-migrations came from the State’s surrounding western neighbors - California, Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Nevada, Arizona, and Colorado (Kem C. Gardner Policy Institute (2020Kem C. 2020. “"Where Utah’s domestic migrants come from". In Utah Informed: Visual Intellection for 2020.” Informed Decisions. Salt Lake City, Utah: David Eccles School of Business, University of Utah. https://gardner.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/Utah-Informed-2020.pdf.)). The remaining forty-five percent were spreadly uniformly across the remaining eastern states. Outside of Idaho, Nevada and Utah, the ratio of Latter-day Saint members to a state’s total population is less than 5 percent (Latter-day Saint Penetration - Map, in Grammich (2012)).

Unknown is the religious affiliations of these in- and out-migrants. It is possible that the out-of-state LDS members from other states preferentially migrate to Utah, but given that the ratio of non-LDS members and members in California is more the 20 to 1, it is reasonable to conclude that California in-migrants consist of a lower ratio of LDS members to non-members than exists within the State. Except for Idaho, that is also a reasonable assumption for in-migration from Washington, Oregon, Nevada, Arizona, and Colorado.

Absent a higher rate of conversion within Utah, the relatively lower ratio of LDS members in-migrating to Utah will most probably dilute Utah’s existing LDS membership relative to Utah’s total population.

Because the LDS faith is the dominate religion and the percent of Utah’s migrant population is relatively low compared to the state’s total population, it is reasonable to suggest that a some portion of Utah’s religious unaffiliated persons are Utah’s young adults who have left the LDS faith and who have converted to unaffiliated status or to SBNRs. Migration alone does not explain Utah’s rise in religious unaffiliated persons through 2010.

Factors Affecting Utah’s Future Religious Diversity

Factors that affect Utah’s future religious diversity include fertility and demographics of Utah’s LDS membership, increased aging of LDS membership within Utah, increases from migration into the state of non-LDS adherents, conversions of new residents to the LDS faith, out-migration by young adults, and young LDS adults changing to non-affiliated or SBNR status. None of rates per 1,000 persons of any of these factors are known with any certainty.

Reduction in Fertility and Conversions

As noted above, Utah’s current fertility rate had dropped to below the replacement rate of 2.1 births per woman (Kem C. Gardner Center 2019). Over time, this will induce demographic trends that reduces the total of Utah’s population that adheres to the LDS faith, unless offset by out-state migration of LDS persons to Utah or by religious conversions. The rate at which new out-of-state residents to Utah convert to the LDS faith is unknown. Nationally, Pew Research Center (2012a) found through surveys of 1,019 active Mormons that 26 percent converted to that faith and were not born into the LDS Church.

LDS Member Resignations

LDS member withdrawal requests and resignations were discussed in part under The Accuracy of All Congregational Reports, above. The rate of LDS member resignations within Utah from 2010 to the present is unknown. There are occasional journalist reports regarding resignations within Utah and outside of Utah.

Digital technology can accelerate trends. In November 2015, Mark Naugle, a Salt Lake City attorney and ex-LDS adherent, started a free, streamlined web service to automatically draft LDS members’ requests for withdrawal and to submit those requests to LDS Church authorities (Canham (2019Canham, Matt. 2019. “The LDS Church adds a new step for members using QuitMormon.com to resign, complains of fraud.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://www.sltrib.com/religion/2019/08/04/lds-church-adds-new-step/.)). His efforts began in response to meeting the demand for resignation after the 2015 Utah LQBTQ compromise, discussed below, was reached (Walch (2015Walch, Tad. 2015. “Activists, mostly inactive Mormons, resign from LDS Church at SLC event.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://www.deseret.com/2015/11/14/20576816/activists-mostly-inactive-mormons-resign-from-lds-church-at-slc-event{#}nikki-jensen-and-coco-barth-carry-a-flag-over-their-heads-while-marching-around-temple-square-after-the-lds-church-mass-resignation-at-city-c.)). By August 2019, he had processed 40,000 requests, but the proportion of applicants inside and outside of Utah is not known.

In June 2019, the LDS Church complained that some applications received from Naugle’s business, Quitmormon.com, were fraudulent. The applications were submitted by third parties to withdraw others without their or Naugle’s knowledge (Canham (2019)). In response, the LDS Church adopted a new policy that required applications to be notarized. Although Naugle modifed his web application to process notarized requests, the rate of subsmissions on the behalf of Utah residents is reduced. The LDS Church’s position is that although it acknowledges resignations occur, the percent as a ratio of the Church’s total domestic and international membership is trivial (id).

Again, the extent of LDS withdrawal requests within Utah is unknown and is unlikely to be measured accurately in the future. The effect of resignations on Utah’s future unclaimed or unaffiliated persons cannot be determined.

The Combination of Religious and Politcial Power in the Utah State Legislature

As noted above, Hout and Fischer (2001) theorized that political and cultural polarization accompanied with an association between the Republican Party and the Christian right effects whether young people choose to exit their birth religion and become unaffiliated or SBNRs. Jones (2017) comes to the same conclusion. Utah State legislators are 88 percent members of the LDS faith (Table 4, above), and they often propose radical right legislation on social issues that generates social tension between Utah’s LDS faith adherents, non-Mormons, and young LDS adherents (personal obs.).

Utah has a long-history of conflict and compromise between its LDS faithful and non-LDS residents. Such conflicts create social polarization that may increase the rate at which young LDS adults leave or stop practicing their birth faith.

After the arrival of the transcontinental railroad spur to Salt Lake City in 1870, Utah experienced a massive influx of non-Mormons miners and businessmen. In 1873, the most severe economic depression in United States history, the Financial Panic of 1873, began. In 1874, Church leader Brigham Young established the United Order of Enoch, an LDS economic alliance that sought to segregate Utah’s economy into Mormon and non-Mormon sectors by directing Mormons to only shop at United Order affiliated stores. In 1877, the federal government began an extensive enforcement campaign against polygamy that continued until statehood in 1896 (Schindler (2014Schindler, Harold. 2014. In Another Time: Sketches of Utah History. Logan: Utah State University Press.)). Religious based contentions between Salt Lake City non-Mormon and LDS adherents rose as Brigham Young was put on trial in 1872 for murder related to the Mountain Meadows massacre and as approximately 900 Utahans, including many prominent church leaders, were jailed on federal polygamy charges (id). Van Atta (2015Van Atta, John R. 2015. Robert Newton Baskin and the Making of Modern Utah by John Gary Maxwell. Vol. 122. 1. Norman, Oklahoma: Arthur H. Clark Company. https://doi.org/10.1353/ohh.2015.0015.) provides an overview of those contentious times from the perspective of one of Salt Lake City’s first non-Mormon mayors, Ronald N. Baskin. Baskin was the mayor during this period leading to statehood; LDS Church President Wilford Woodruff was his LDS religious counterpart.

These religious differences were finally resolved in the statehood compromise of 1895. In 1890, Church President Wilford Woodruff directed church members to cease practicing polygamy with an implicit understanding that the federal government would return confiscated Church assets seized under the Edmunds-Tucker Act of February 1887, and on September 24, 1894, President Grover Cleveland pardoned all imprisoned Mormon bigamists (Schindler (2014)). The statehood convention of 1894-1895 included a state constitutional provision that more strongly protected religious freedom for the Territorial LDS population than provided by the federal First Amendment (“Utah Const., Article I, Sec. 4, Religious Liberty” 1896“Utah Const., Article I, Sec. 4, Religious Liberty.” 1896. Salt Lake City, Utah: Utah State Legislature. https://le.utah.gov/xcode/ArticleI/Article{_}I,{_}Section{_}4.html?v=UC{_}AI{_}S4{_}1800010118000101.), and Salt Lake City’s non-Mormon population received constitutional guarantees against a future Mormon-dominated State legislature from attempting to take-over Salt Lake City municipal government (“Utah Const., Article IV, Sec. 28, Special privileges forbidden.” 1896“Utah Const., Article IV, Sec. 28, Special privileges forbidden.” 1896. Utah State Legislature. https://le.utah.gov/xcode/ArticleVI/Article{_}VI,{_}Section{_}28.html.); Utah Const., Art. I, Sec. 4, above). Section 4 concerning religious liberty provides,

The rights of conscience shall never be infringed. The State shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; no religious test shall be required as a qualification for any office of public trust or for any vote at any election; nor shall any person be incompetent as a witness or juror on account of religious belief or the absence thereof. There shall be no union of Church and State, nor shall any church dominate the State or interfere with its functions. No public money or property shall be appropriated for or applied to any religious worship, exercise or instruction, or for the support of any ecclesiastical establishment. (id, emphasis added).

By the 1895 compromise, the LDS Church had its 800,000 USD of assets that had been seized and placed into a federal receivership (worth about 21 million USD in 2020) under the Edmunds-Tucker Act returned (Schindler (1998) at 143); the LDS adherents agreed to give up polygamy, and both LDS and non-LDS Salt Lake City residents received special state constitutional protections of both their respective religious and business interests. Both parties received the benefits of the Utah Territory becoming a State of the Union.

Figure 12 - Angel Moroni Statute atop the Salt Lake City Temple. Source: Utah Dept. of Heritage and Arts. Figure 12 - Angel Moroni Statute atop the Salt Lake City Temple. Source: Utah Dept. of Heritage and Arts.

Figure 13 - Collage of Statutes on Salt Lake City-County Building. Note: Installed 1896; Images in 2018. Source: Author. Figure 13 - Collage of Statutes on Salt Lake City-County Building. Note: Installed 1896; Images in 2018. Source: Author.

In the midst of this 1890 to 1896 controversy, construction of Salt Lake City’s two architectural landmarks were completed. The main LDS Temple - a religious building dedicated to the LDS faith - was dedicated in the City’s core in 1893. Later, the Salt Lake Temple was capped with a statute of the Angel Moroni, a lead religious character in the LDS faith’s primary scriptural text. In response to the economic Panic of 1893, the City’s non-LDS mayor and city commission launched construction of what is now called the Salt Lake City and County Building and that is located about one-half mile to the south of the Temple. The City-County Building was dedicated in 1896. This building’s architectural motifs celebrate secular government, and it features a statute above each of its entrances representing “Knowledge”, “Power”, “Peace” and “Justice”, respectively (Maxwell (2013) at 245). The building is capped by a statute of Columbia - a popular nineteenth century motif representing the United States of America (id).

These historical Utah sociological and cultural factors concerning religious compromises bewteen Utah’s LDS adherents and non-Mormoms continue to have currency in present day Utah. In 1996, Utah rejected a measure proposed by Utah religious conservatives to amend Utah’s religious liberty article (Article I, Sec, 4). Proponents sought to change expand the scope of religious liberty to allow school prayer (Schindler (1998) at 147). Impliedly, Utahans also reaffirmed their commitment to the division of church and state contained within Section 4. Nationally, 74 percent of LDS faithful are or lean towards the Republican Party (Pew Research (2012a)). When LDS Republican political affinity is coupled with a State Legislature that is 88 percent LDS, the modern practical effect of Section 4’s guarantees is that conservative Utah LDS faithful can feel core social issue beliefs associated with their religion - such as gay and abortion rights - will not be challenged. Trigger issues that cause Christian Evangelicals in other states do not generate the same level of LDS membership anxiety within Utah and Idaho, because members perceive themselves to reside in a state where the State furthers their majoritarian interests (personal obs.).

Illustrative of a social compromise trigger social issues was the 2015 Utah compromise on gay rights. Under Hout and Fischer’s theory, this should reduce young adult Mormons from leaving their birth faith.

In 2015, the LDS Church through the State Legislature sought a compromise with the State’s LGBTQ community to recognize the civil rights of gay persons, including the right to marry. The Church’s change of position to seek such an agreement was motivated in part by a 2013 federal decision finding a constitutional right for Utah gays to marry (Kitchen v. Herbert, 961 F. Supp. 2d 1181 (2013961 F. Supp. 2d 1181. 2013. “Kitchen v. Herbert.” https://casetext.com/case/kitchen-v-herbert-1.)) and a pending United States Supreme Court case that would address the gay marriage issue nationally. The subsequent state legislative compromise reached demonstrates how political modern compromises between Utah’s dominate LDS religious majority and its minority non-LDS, non-religious affiliated population are uniquely formulated.

Two of the key protagonists in the compromise where Dallin H. Oaks, a high church official and former Utah Supreme Court Justice (1980-1984), and Derek Kitchen, a young, gay, atheist attorney, and an ex-LDS Church member who was raised in part in Salt Lake County. Kitchen was the plaintiff in Kitchen v. Herbert. (In 2015, Kitchen was elected to the Salt Lake City Council, and in 2019, Kitchen is a Utah State Senator that represents a Salt Lake City district.) On June 14, 2014, the U.S. Supreme Court decided Hobby Lobby, Supreme Court of the United States (2014Supreme Court of the United States. 2014. “Burwell v. Hobby Lobby.” https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/13-354.). In Hobby Lobby, the high court expanded the previously recognized right-to-discriminate based on religious beliefs from churches and individuals to closely held corporations. On October 6, 2014, the U.S. Supreme Court denied certiorari in Kitchen, and thus, gay marriage was recognized as a constitutional right within the State of Utah.

Oakes had long been an advocate of laws that grant additional, special rights to churches and businesses to not serve persons in civil commerce whose appearance or beliefs conflict with an individual’s personal religious beliefs under state religious freedom restoration acts. Such laws are denoted as protecting the right to religious freedom or protecting a right to religious conscience. On the national level, opponents of similar proposed federal bills sometimes refer to these laws as “right-to-discriminate” statutes. The archetypical fact scenario are wedding planners, bakers or photographers whose religious beliefs are offended by having to enter into ordinary, commercial transactions to provide services to gay couples seeking to hold wedding services.

While the Kitchen decision put pressure on Utah’s LDS dominated legislature to recognize gay marriage rights, Hobby Lobby exerted similar political pressure on the LGBTQ community to seek a resolution on what form a post- Hobby Lobby Utah state religious freedom restoration act would take. The essential Utah background facts concerning the Utah compromise are covered in the 2018 film, “Church and State” (Davis (2010Davis, Derek H. 2010. “Church and State.” Blue Fox Entertainment. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444324082.ch4.)). Utah legislative sessions begin in January of each year and laws adopted during the general session typically take effect on May 2 of each year.

Utah’s religious compromise reached in the 2015 general session consisted of the Church recognizing gay marriage civil rights and adopting LGBTQ antidiscrimination laws for employment and housing (“Utah Antidiscrimination and Religious Freedom Amendments, 2015 Utah SB 296” 2015“Utah Antidiscrimination and Religious Freedom Amendments, 2015 Utah SB 296.” 2015. Utah State Legislature. https://le.utah.gov/{~}2015/bills/static/SB0296.html.); Bever (2015Bever, Lindsey. 2015. “Utah — yes, Utah — passes landmark LGBT rights bill.” Washington, D.C. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/morning-mix/wp/2015/03/12/utah-legislature-passes-landmark-lgbt-anti-discrimination-bill-backed-by-mormon-church/.)). The title of the 2015 Senate Bill 296 was “Antidiscrimination and Religious Freedom Amendments” (id). Legal scholars outside of Utah sometimes overlook that the Utah 2015 compromise incorporated a state religious freedom restoration act.

In employment discrimination, the 2015 act contained complete exemptions for religious and non-profit institutions (“Utah Code Ann., Sec. 34A-5-101 et seq. (2016), Utah Antidiscrimination Act” 2016“Utah Code Ann., Sec. 34A-5-101 et seq. (2016), Utah Antidiscrimination Act.” 2016. Utah State Legislature. https://le.utah.gov/xcode/Title34A/Chapter5/34A-5-S102.html?v=C34A-5-S102{_}2016051020160510.). Small firms with less than 15 employees were also exempted. Covered employers received Hobby Lobby style religious rights where an employee’s expressions of religion interfered with a business’s core functions. These protections reach a significant portion of Utah employees. In 2018, about 1 million of Utah’s 1.2 million employees work in firms that employ more than 20 people (SBA (2018SBA. 2018. “2018 Small Business Profile: United States.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://www.sba.gov/sites/default/files/advocacy/2018-Small-Business-Profiles-US.pdf.)). Another 200,000 Utah employees are employed by small businesses and have less than 20 employees (17 percent). In terms of businesses, Utah has 277,140 small firms, including 54,115 in firms with 20 or less employees (19 percent) and another 216,280 work in sole proprietorships without employees (id). The 2015 act contains important gaps with respect to employees such as those working in firms with less than 15 persons.

More importantly, with respect to employment, the 2015 Act (Utah Code Ann. Sec. 34A-5-111), recognizes for all businesses that,

This chapter may not be interpreted to infringe upon the freedom of expressive association or the free exercise of religion protected by the First Amendment of the United 691 States Constitution and Article I, Sections 1, 4, and 15 of the Utah Constitution (Utah Code Ann. Sec. 34A-5-111 (2016)).

With respect to housing discrimination, 2015 Utah SB296 also provided an exemption for religious and non-profit institutions. The act cited that the exemption was “in the furtherance of a religious institution’s free exercise of religious rights under the First Amendment of the United States Constitution or the Utah Constitution” (“Utah Code Ann. Sec. 57-21-1 et seq. (2015), Utah Fair Housing Act” 2015“Utah Code Ann. Sec. 57-21-1 et seq. (2015), Utah Fair Housing Act.” 2015. Utah State Legislature. https://le.utah.gov/xcode/Title57/Chapter21/57-21.html.). Sales of single family homes by individuals were exempted. The act only applies to rental buildings of four or more units. Historically, the three or less exemption applies to other protected class like race or national origin.

The 2015 Utah compromise has legal implications. By legislating partially within the employment and housing arenas, by at the same time stating a broad recognition of a religious freedom restoration act’s core principal, and by remaining silent on the scope of religious freedom restoration’s core principal in other spheres, the Utah state legislature implicitly recognized an expansive Hobby Lobby religious right-to-discriminate in general civil transactions.

On June 26, 2015, shortly after the 2015 Utah compromise took effect, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Obergefell v. Hodges, Isaacson (2015Isaacson, Scott E. 2015. “ Obergefell v Hodges.” https://doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rwv048.). In Obergefell, the United States Supreme Court held that all states were required by the Constitution to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples and that all States had to cognize the validity of gay marriage certificates issued by another State.

Providing some resolution the contentious issue of gay rights should reduce social tensions felt by young LDS adults. The 2015 Utah religious compromise under Hout and Fischer’s theory should have subsequently reduced the unknown rate by which young Utah LDS adults leave their birth faith and transition to unaffiliated or SBNR status. Changes in the post-2015 requests for withdrawal from the LDS faith suggests that the 2015 Utah compromise was only partially effective in reducing the rate of LDS members leaving their birth faith. After the 2015 Utah compromise, in particular LGBTQ LDS members continued to publicly resign their LDS faith (see LDS Member Resignations, above). Another example of social tension between the LDS faith and some of its young adherents concerning gay rights occured on March 6, 2020. In response to changes in the BYU Honor Code manual that introduced uncertainty in the university’s stance towards LGBTQ students, BYU students and their supporters held a protest rally outside the LDS Church’s headquarters (Walch (2020Walch, Tad. 2020. “LGBT BYU students and their supporters rally at church office building in Salt Lake City.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://www.deseret.com/faith/2020/3/6/21167942/lgbt-byu-honor-code-students-rally-mormon-lds-salt-lake.)).

Since 2016, the official position of LDS Church has been institutional neutrality in politics, but it encourages its members to be politically active (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (2016Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, First Presidency. 2016. “First Presidency Letter Encouraging Political Participation, Voting in US.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org/article/first-presidency-2016-letter-political-participation.)). In 2019, the Church announced that it will appoint political specialists to educate and assist its member to express and advocate for their individual political preferences before governmental and legislative proceedings (Davidson and Stack (2019Davidson, Lee, and Peggy Fletcher Stack. 2019. “LDS Church is assigning ’specialists’ to help members become more politically active. Dems worry it may make Utah even more GOP.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://www.sltrib.com/news/politics/2019/05/14/lds-church-is-assigning/.)).

With respect to another key issue for conservative Christian faiths - abortion - each session, the Utah State Legislature has an annual stream of bills that seeks to position the State at the forefront suits to overrule Roe v. Wade. On March 2, 2020, the Utah State Senate advanced another social message bill that would outlaw abortion for elective purposes, conditioned on the Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade (Davidson (2020Davidson, Lee. 2020. “Utah Senate votes to ban all elective abortions — if Supreme Court ever allows it.” Salt Lake City, Utah. https://www.sltrib.com/news/politics/2020/03/02/utah-senate-votes-ban-all/.)). Under Hout and Fischer’s theory such legislative activities coupled with the 88 percent LDS faith membership by Utah state legislators should increase the unknown rate by which young Utah LDS adults leave their birth faith and transition to unaffiliated or SBNR status.

In conclusion, the future impact of an active Utah religious right exercising their political power in concert with state government dominated by the same religious affiliation on abortion and other social issues may have some unknown effect under Hout and Fischer’s theory. Hout and Fischer’s theory postulates that a negative feedback loop exists between combined religious and political power. Exercising that combination to increase the sense of a conservative religious group that the legal structure of the community reflects their values may increase the rate at which young LDS adults informally leave their birth faith and convert to unaffiliated or SBNRs. The increase in Utah’s religiously unclaimed person rate between 1990 and 2010 suggests that this is a measurable trend.

These trends are as a practical matter unknowable. Meta-trends concerning congregation membership revealed by the ASARB 2020 decennial census of religious congregations will indicate whether the net result of these trends is a proportionate increase or decrease in LDS religious affiliation and-or adherence in Utah.

Future Work

Future work will follow up on changes in Utah religious adherence and diversity after the initial release of ASARB 2020 decennial congregation census. More formalized cluster detection analysis in the States religious diversity association will be conducted. The Pew Research Center 2012 survey response data may be analyzed to determine if there are any significant differences in the responses of Utah and Idaho LDS active members and those United States LDS members that live outside of Utah and Idaho. Time series data sets to investigate an association between religious adherence and political party affiliation at county level during 2020 should become available in 2022. Associations between those factors will be investigated at that time. Speculative comments regarding the absence of survey data on the transition probabilities of young LDS adults to unaffiliated or SBNR status, and the lack of survey data disaggregating Utah’s religious unaffiliated into more defined subgroups suggests various research avenues for Utah sociologists, theologian researchers, and sociology students, to pursue. All are professionally qualified and better trained than myself to conduct such inquiries.

Conclusion

Persons who are not claimed on membership rolls of any traditional religious congregation are the second largest “religious” group in Utah (21 percent in 2010) and in the United States (21 percent in 2018). Statewide in 2010, thirty-one percent of Utah’s population are not members of the Latter Day Saint faith, and in 2010 within Utah’s most populous county, Salt Lake County, 41 percent of the population were not members of the LDS faith. Nine years later in 2019 in Salt Lake County, that ratio may be equal to 50 percent. Within Salt Lake City, an indirect indicator suggests that ratio may have a lower bound of approximately 30 percent. This makes Utah more religiously diverse than might be expected on based on commonplace beliefs regarding the portion of Utah’s residents who are religiously affiliated with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saint members.

Nationally, from 1991 to 2018, the percentage of persons reporting that they are not affiliated with a traditional organized religion grew from 7 percent to 21 percent (Addendum Table A3, NORC (2020)). During the same period, membership in traditional mainstream Protestant denominations has declined from 65 percent to 49 percent of the United States population (id). An unknown but significant portion of the unaffiliated are young persons who consider themselves spiritual, but not religious (SBNR) (Oppenheimer (2015)).

This recent Utah trend of increasing religious diversity is consistent with the national increase in religiously unaffiliated persons and within that population, the rise of SBNRs. This increase of persons who are not affiliated with traditional religions should not be assumed to represent a decline in United States’ religiosity. The increase in SBNRs may represent an evolution of American religiosity into a different expression.

Theologian and researcher Linda Mercadante opines that SBNRs present an opportunity for traditional denominations (Mercadante (2015Mercadante, Linda. 2015. “The Rev. Dr. Linda Mercadante - Spiritual but Not Religious.” Wycliffe College at the University of Toronto, YouTube. https://youtu.be/LMsb2sjB750.)). After interviewing hundreds of SBNRs, she notes they are motivated by a deep yearning for personal meaning and by higher rates of depression caused by not being a member of a non-self-directed community. How traditional denominations cope with approaching this new American religious evolution will determine their future. She recommends that one method of approaching SBNRs without alienating them is to participate in visible, public social improvement programs by which SBNRs can be exposed without being proselytized to people of faith who demonstrate religious grace and confidence (id).

The ASARB has begun conducting their next decennial census of United States congregations for 2020. Over next ten years from 2020 to the 2030 ASARB census, Utah will provide a unique natural experiment in which the changes in the social and political power between Utah’s fundamentalist protestant majority and a younger religiously unaffiliated minority, including SBNRs, resolve their cultural and religious differences. As Utah’s culture becomes more diverse through increases in the religiously unaffiliated, will Utah’s religious majority continue to reach further separate-but-equal accommodations like the 2015 LGBTQ compromise? Or will Utah’s fundamentalist majority - feeling that their culture is threatened - retreat into social and political defensiveness?

About and Conflicts of Interest

I do not have an undergraduate degree. I completed three years of undergraduate studies in mathematics with an emphasis in statistics and I have over thirty-five years of experience as a litigation paralegal in both the private sector and government.

I have no conflict disclosures with respect to the topics discussed in this paper. I am not a member of the LDS faith; I am religiously affiliated with Buddhism.

This report is the third in a series of four reports. The first report concerns the distribution of registered voters by party affiliation within Salt Lake City municipal limits (Fisher (2020aFisher, Kurt A. 2020a. “Salt Lake City Demographics: Where do Salt Lake City Registered Voters Reside by Political Party Affiliation?” Salt Lake City, Utah. http://fisherka.csolutionshosting.net/misc/Elections/SLCPoliticalPartyAffiliations.html.)). The second report concerns the distribution of registered voters by party affiliation within Utah and compares political affiliations between counties (Fisher (2020bFisher, Kurt A. 2020b. “Utah Statewide Political Party Affiliations: Distribution and Unaffiliated Voters.” Salt Lake City, Utah. http://fisherka.csolutionshosting.net/misc/Elections/UtahStatewidePoliticalPartyAffiliations.htm.)). This third paper concerns the distribution of religious adherents in Utah by congregation. The fourth paper will concern demographic and other factors in the November 2019 Salt Lake City Mayoral Election.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the following research groups for their many years of public service in collecting and maintaining the survey data on American religiosity. Without their tireless efforts, this report and similar discussions of religiosity in the United States would not be possible: the Association of Statisticians of American Religious Bodies (ASARB), the Association of Religious Data Archives (ARDA), a project of the Department of Sociology at the Pennsylvania State University, the National Opinion Research Center (NORC), a project of the University of Chicago, and the Pew Research Center.

Addendum

Religious Adherence and Diversity in the United States

Table A1 - Religious Adherence Rate per 1,000 Persons in the U.S. States in 2010

State Simpson’s Index Compliment Unclaimed Total Adherence Evangelical Protestant Catholic Mainline Protestant Other Black Protestant Orthodox
Utah 54 209 791 23 58 9 698 1 2
North Dakota 27 329 671 117 249 293 13 0 0
Alabama 33 371 629 420 42 81 12 72 1
Louisiana 29 394 606 235 265 45 13 48 1
Oklahoma 35 407 593 408 48 102 21 14 1
Mississippi 34 413 587 394 38 82 12 62 0
South Dakota 28 414 586 145 183 241 16 1 0
Massachusetts 39 428 572 34 449 47 31 2 9
Minnesota 29 437 563 140 217 184 17 3 2
Nebraska 29 443 557 158 204 163 23 7 1
Texas 30 443 557 257 186 62 37 14 1
Tennessee 35 445 555 376 35 84 15 43 2
Arkansas 36 446 554 390 42 70 14 37 0
Illinois 30 447 553 129 284 73 44 17 6
District Of Columbia 26 448 552 125 126 137 57 84 23
Rhode Island 40 452 548 25 443 54 18 1 7
New Jersey 35 453 547 43 368 57 56 15 8
Iowa 31 461 539 132 165 219 16 6 1
Pennsylvania 32 462 538 85 276 140 24 9 5
Wisconsin 31 464 536 142 251 120 13 8 2
South Carolina 34 478 522 305 39 104 17 55 1
Kentucky 36 484 516 334 83 71 13 15 0
Connecticut 37 488 512 44 351 79 27 6 5
New York 35 488 512 45 324 53 72 10 7
Idaho 33 489 511 129 79 36 267 1 1
Georgia 34 492 508 295 62 88 23 39 2
Kansas 32 494 506 181 150 136 24 15 1
New Mexico 35 499 501 135 284 35 44 2 1
Missouri 34 507 493 254 121 77 24 16 1
North Carolina 36 525 475 271 45 119 17 26 2
California 39 550 450 94 275 24 47 7 4
Virginia 36 552 448 191 84 109 48 14 2
Indiana 37 557 443 191 115 106 12 15 4
Ohio 37 560 440 129 173 100 18 15 5
Michigan 39 579 421 129 174 66 26 22 5
Delaware 40 582 418 72 203 97 29 15 2
Maryland 38 582 418 120 145 87 35 27 4
Hawaii 40 587 413 96 184 30 104 0 0
Wyoming 41 604 396 105 109 65 115 0 1
Florida 42 609 391 162 134 46 28 18 3
Montana 42 619 381 122 129 78 51 0 1
Colorado 43 622 378 120 161 49 43 3 2
Arizona 44 628 372 119 146 27 76 2 3
West Virginia 46 645 355 135 52 148 13 6 2
New Hampshire 48 648 352 36 236 62 14 0 4
Washington 46 654 346 122 117 46 57 2 3
Nevada 47 656 344 79 167 15 75 4 3
Alaska 47 661 339 142 72 46 58 3 19
Vermont 49 664 336 36 205 77 18 0 0
Oregon 50 688 312 117 104 37 51 1 2
Maine 55 724 276 44 143 70 17 0 1

Source: Grammich (2018a).

Table A2 - Religious Adherence Count of Persons in the U.S. States in 2010

State Simpson’s Index Compliment Total Adherence Rate Pop 2010 Unclaimed Pop Total Adherents Evangelical Protestant Catholic Mainline Protestant Other Black Protestant Orthodox
Utah 54 791 2763885 577482 2186403 63040 160125 23546 1930452 3258 5982
North Dakota 27 671 672591 221135 451456 78607 167349 196839 8541 0 120
Alabama 33 629 4779736 1772183 3007553 2009448 200657 388252 59676 346519 3001
Louisiana 29 606 4533372 1786475 2746897 1064486 1200900 202751 59106 217176 2478
Oklahoma 35 593 3751351 1524972 2226379 1531381 178430 383786 78462 51621 2699
Mississippi 34 587 2967297 1224381 1742916 1168450 112488 244121 34326 182556 975
South Dakota 28 586 814180 337348 476832 118142 148883 196001 13051 435 320
Massachusetts 39 572 6547629 2799571 3748058 224726 2940199 308286 202103 11200 61544
Minnesota 29 563 5303925 2317475 2986450 744910 1150367 974156 92564 16396 8057
Nebraska 29 557 1826341 809812 1016529 288965 372838 297522 42605 13106 1493
Texas 30 557 25145561 11150997 13994564 6456168 4673500 1553959 932486 345998 32453
Tennessee 35 555 6346105 2823760 3522345 2384381 223045 533145 97463 273889 10422
Arkansas 36 554 2915918 1301561 1614357 1136611 122662 205332 41350 107202 1200
Illinois 30 553 12830632 5735800 7094832 1649402 3648907 933690 566260 220435 76138
District Of Columbia 26 552 601723 269381 332342 75306 75948 82388 34048 50602 14050
Rhode Island 40 548 1052567 475648 576919 26242 466598 57103 18522 829 7625
New Jersey 35 547 8791894 3982374 4809520 380347 3235290 502797 488720 129935 72431
Iowa 31 539 3046355 1404011 1642344 402376 503080 666637 50117 17902 2232
Pennsylvania 32 538 12702379 5863939 6838440 1078477 3503028 1773491 308065 114337 61042
Wisconsin 31 536 5686986 2639544 3047442 806028 1425523 684035 74430 44203 13223
South Carolina 34 522 4625364 2211921 2413443 1410988 181743 482103 76874 256178 5557
Kentucky 36 516 4339367 2101653 2237714 1448947 359783 305955 55938 64958 2133
Connecticut 37 512 3574097 1743235 1830862 157336 1254340 281174 95411 22969 19632
New York 35 512 19378102 9454590 9923512 871326 6287618 1027403 1394651 202217 140297
Idaho 33 511 1567582 765927 801655 201546 123400 57056 418013 822 818
Georgia 34 508 9687653 4763277 4924376 2853360 596384 855259 222576 381421 15376
Kansas 32 506 2853118 1408663 1444455 516818 426611 386980 68983 41666 3397
New Mexico 35 501 2059179 1027981 1031198 277326 584941 71118 91497 4321 1995
Missouri 34 493 5988927 3038033 2950894 1518847 724315 462246 144841 93900 6745
North Carolina 36 475 9535483 5005118 4530365 2585530 428860 1130241 157936 248257 15489
California 39 450 37253956 20488205 16765751 3502250 10234036 880981 1744962 249191 154331
Virginia 36 448 8001024 4414432 3586592 1531731 674555 870842 380183 111028 18253
Indiana 37 443 6483802 3609658 2874144 1238154 747706 689902 80794 94705 22883
Ohio 37 440 11536504 6464820 5071684 1491845 1992567 1154461 210207 170388 52216
Michigan 39 421 9883640 5718297 4165343 1277144 1717296 653898 255358 214114 47533
Maryland 38 418 5773552 3358176 2415376 693990 837338 500112 201283 157854 24799
Delaware 40 418 897934 523017 374917 64625 182532 86858 26045 13371 1486
Hawaii 40 413 1360301 798321 561980 130265 249619 40833 140923 0 340
Wyoming 41 396 563626 340552 223074 59247 61222 36539 65000 281 785
Florida 42 391 18801310 11443722 7357588 3049524 2515243 870959 528302 333390 60170
Montana 42 381 989415 612439 376976 121064 127612 76869 50535 331 565
Colorado 43 378 5029196 3126914 1902282 601009 811630 246706 218705 13019 11213
Arizona 44 372 6392017 4012089 2379928 762376 930702 171792 486352 12473 16233
West Virginia 46 355 1852994 1194681 658313 249756 95849 274766 23661 11505 2776
New Hampshire 48 352 1316470 853698 462772 47128 311028 81111 18579 0 4926
Washington 46 346 6724540 4396535 2328005 820643 784332 308292 383462 14289 16987
Nevada 47 344 2700551 1772596 927955 213188 451070 41558 203107 9751 9281
Alaska 47 339 710231 469398 240833 100960 50866 32550 41001 1976 13480
Vermont 49 336 625741 415350 210391 22630 128293 48029 11113 36 290
Oregon 50 312 3831074 2636281 1194793 447009 399440 140248 196309 4471 7316
Maine 55 276 1328361 961318 367043 59052 190106 93580 21971 586 1748

Source: Grammich (2018a).

Table A3 - Trends in Religious Adherence by Percent per Year - 1972 to 2018

Year Simpson Compliment Index Protestant Catholic None Other Christian All Other Demon Do not Know-No Answer
1972 49 65 26 5 2 0 3 0
1973 48 64 26 7 2 0 3 0
1974 49 65 25 7 1 0 3 0
1975 50 66 25 8 1 0 2 0
1976 49 64 26 8 1 0 2 0
1977 51 66 25 6 1 0 2 0
1978 49 65 25 8 1 0 2 0
1980 49 65 25 7 2 0 2 0
1982 52 68 22 7 1 0 2 1
1983 46 62 28 7 2 0 3 0
1984 48 64 26 7 1 0 2 1
1985 48 63 27 7 2 0 2 0
1986 48 64 26 7 2 0 3 0
1987 55 70 21 7 2 0 1 0
1988 47 63 27 8 3 0 2 0
1989 49 65 26 8 2 0 2 0
1990 49 65 25 8 3 0 2 0
1991 49 65 26 7 2 0 2 0
1993 49 66 22 9 3 0 2 1
1994 46 62 26 10 4 0 2 0
1996 44 60 25 12 5 0 2 0
1998 38 54 25 14 1 1 4 1
2000 38 55 25 14 2 1 5 0
2002 37 53 25 14 1 2 5 1
2004 37 53 24 15 1 3 5 0
2006 36 52 25 17 1 2 4 1
2008 35 52 23 17 1 3 5 0
2010 33 48 24 18 1 4 5 1
2012 32 47 23 20 1 6 4 0
2014 31 45 24 21 1 5 4 1
2016 34 49 23 22 1 1 4 1
2018 34 49 21 23 1 1 4 1

Note: N=64,814 respondents over 45 years. There was a change in the survey design beginning 1998 to add the denomination of Christian. Source: NCOR-General Social Survey.

Religious Adherence and Diversity in Utah Counties

Table A4 - Religious Adherence for 29 Utah Counties in 2010 by Increasing Diversity

County Name Simpson’s Index Compliment Total Adherence Rate
Utah 80 909
Box Elder 67 903
Morgan 80 896
Rich 79 880
Tooele 50 878
Cache 70 877
Sevier 72 877
Juab 70 835
Millard 66 830
Davis 59 824
Emery 63 819
Sanpete 66 801
Carbon 36 799
Wayne 65 786
Duchesne 59 781
Beaver 61 776
Iron 53 775
Washington 53 757
Weber 43 753
Garfield 60 746
Salt Lake 44 732
Uintah 47 716
Kane 45 667
Wasatch 53 667
Piute 55 666
Daggett 55 656
Summit 34 576
Grand 33 538
San Juan 44 503

Note: Because Simpson’s Index Compliment is used, higher values represent less diversity and lower values indicate higher diversity. Source: Grammich (2018).

Supplemental Data Archive

All data files and supporting R program code is available from the author on request. This supplemental data archive focuses raw data files on which this paper is based. The supplemental data archive is at url: https://drive.google.com/open?id=1kG62cplbtZrvaXkp75aijdVzMhRWCf_s. The data archive contains or references public files: